According to Article 31 of the Constitution, anyone can be elected President of the Republic provided they are a Greek citizen for at least five years, are of Greek descent from either their father or mother, are at least 40 years old, and have the legal capacity to vote.

The term lasts five years, and a President may only be reelected once. Since 1975, eight individuals have held the office, starting with Michael Stasinopoulos, who was elected as interim President until the new Constitution came into effect.

• 1974: Michael Stasinopoulos received 206 votes in the December 18 election, while 74 voted “no,” with nine absentees, eight blank ballots, and three invalid ones.
• 1975: On June 19, Konstantinos Tsatsos succeeded Stasinopoulos, elected with 210 votes, backed by the New Democracy party, which had 215 seats.
• 1980: Konstantinos Karamanlis assumed office after three rounds of voting, eventually receiving 183 votes on May 5. Notably, PASOK abstained from all three rounds.

The Controversial 1985 Election

In 1985, while Karamanlis was expected to secure reelection, Andreas Papandreou nominated Supreme Court judge Christos Sartzetakis, who was elected on the third ballot with 180 votes. This decision caused a political earthquake, particularly due to the divisive use of different-colored ballots during the second round and the controversial participation of the Speaker of the House, Ioannis Alevras, who was acting as President of the Republic at the time.

The 1990 Election Drama

In 1990, PASOK failed to reelect Sartzetakis. After multiple voting rounds and the proposal of Ioannis Alevras, which also failed, the Parliament was dissolved. Ultimately, Konstantinos Karamanlis was elected President with 153 votes after elections were held—a unique instance where a President was chosen by relative majority after Parliament’s dissolution.

Stabilization of the Presidency

• 1995: Kostis Stephanopoulos was elected in the third round with 181 votes, supported by PASOK and the smaller POLAN party.
• 2000: Stephanopoulos secured a record 269 votes for reelection, backed by PASOK and New Democracy.
• 2005 and 2010: Karolos Papoulias achieved unprecedented consensus, with 279 and 266 votes respectively.

The Deadlock of 2014

In December 2014, Parliament failed to elect Stavros Dimas as President, leading to general elections. On January 18, 2015, Prokopis Pavlopoulos was elected with 233 votes, supported by SYRIZA, New Democracy, and the Independent Greeks. However, Kyriakos Mitsotakis notably abstained, staying true to his opposition to Pavlopoulos when he later became Prime Minister. Instead, Mitsotakis nominated Katerina Sakellaropoulou in 2020, who was elected with 261 votes.

The Current Debate

Now, speculation swirls: Will Mitsotakis propose Sakellaropoulou’s reelection? Dora Bakoyannis suggests it’s possible, while most New Democracy members believe otherwise. Until Mitsotakis announces his choice—rumored to occur after thoughtful reflection by the sea in Marathi, Chania, or during a hike on Mount Psiloritis—speculation will continue.

So far, 24 names have been mentioned, surpassing the number of players in a soccer match! These include:

• Katerina Sakellaropoulou
• Kostas Tasoulas
• Nikos Dendias
• Lina Mendoni
• Dimitris Avramopoulos
• Gianna Angelopoulos
• Panagiotis Pikrammenos
• Ioannis Sarmas
• Loukas Papademos
• Evangelos Venizelos
• Nikos Alivizatos
• Alekos Papadopoulos
• Maria Damanaki
• Anna Diamantopoulou
• Giannis Dragasakis
• Nikos Kotzias
• Giannis Stournaras
• Louka Katseli
• Historian Maria Efthymiou

Evaluating the Candidates

Former Prime Ministers

Karamanlis, Papandreou, Samaras, and Tsipras have all been mentioned, along with Christos Rammos, proposed by the Left.

Women Leaders

Maria Damanaki and Anna Diamantopoulou, both former EU commissioners, are unlikely to garner sufficient cross-party support, given their political histories.

Others in the Mix

Dimitris Avramopoulos, with his diplomatic stature and rapport with Turkey’s Erdogan, could be a stabilizing figure. Meanwhile, Evangelos Venizelos and Giannis Dragasakis, former vice presidents of governments, bring substantial political weight but also reservations.

Strong New Democracy Contenders

Kostas Tasoulas, the current Speaker of Parliament, and Defense Minister Nikos Dendias are key figures. Tasoulas, from New Democracy’s “Averof” faction, is said to want the role, while Dendias appears reluctant, focusing instead on completing his defense portfolio.

Lina Mendoni

Last on the list of candidates was added the “unmovable” Lina Mendoni from the Ministry of Culture. Politically originating from PASOK, her selection could align with Kyriakos Mitsotakis’s decision for the new President of the Republic, if it were Mendoni, to focus primarily on the return of the Parthenon Sculptures. Mendoni knows the matter better than anyone else, and if there is favorable progress in negotiations with the British Museum by 2027, Mitsotakis would gain a decisive argument to claim and win a third consecutive term.

Among the remaining candidates, Gianna Angelopoulos, due to her association with the Olympic Games, could serve as an excellent international ambassador for the country. Yannis Stournaras, thanks to his role at the European Central Bank, would have access to the European financial establishment. Nikos Alivizatos might be the surprise candidate. Though in the past he has stated he is not interested in the position, the 75-year-old legal scholar and emeritus professor of Constitutional Law, if proposed, could fulfill Mitsotakis’s key criterion for the Presidency of the Republic: to be of acknowledged prestige, enjoy broad political acceptance, and be elected in the first round with as many votes as possible.

PASOK, SYRIZA, and the New Left would find it difficult to deny their vote to Alivizatos. At the very least, this would give Mitsotakis the opportunity to accuse them of playing political games. And this, in an election that, after the constitutional revision of 2019, cannot lead to early elections since the President can be elected by a simple majority. “I can elect a right-wing President and I’m not doing it. You are undermining the consensus you claim to care about,” Mitsotakis could argue. And he would be right. From a point where everyone expects him to lose by succumbing to pressures and even blackmail from his right, he could end up the winner.

The same, of course, would apply to the proposal for Sakellaropoulou’s re-election. The other parties (SYRIZA and PASOK) would have to justify their refusal to vote for her, while any New Democracy MPs who might decline to vote for her—despite all the noise—would not be more than can be counted on one hand, preventing any talk about whether the government retains its parliamentary majority.