Anna Diamantopoulou to Danikas: “What do you want us to do, join SYRIZA and Zoe?”

The successors of the late Andreas Papandreou, today’s inheritors of the “Panhellenic Socialist Movement” brand name, have benefited from recent political developments—both the party and its leader Nikos Androulakis. The successive splits within the SYRIZA left and the substantial losses of New Democracy created fertile ground for PASOK’s resurgence. Yet, Zoe Konstantopoulou’s rise to second place has curbed PASOK’s hopes at around 11%, meaning the “children” of Andreas are flirting with single-digit figures.

Still, they proclaim the potential of a dynamic, social-democratic shift in governance. Alone. “Who should we work with? Konstantopoulou and SYRIZA?”

Enter Anna Diamantopoulou—a figure known for seriousness, composure, objectivity, self-criticism, and courage. Her past as Minister of Education remains one of her highest distinctions.

We discussed everything: from leadership change to Tempi, Mitsotakis, productivity, and more. I must admit, she had realistic arguments for everything. And when she said, “Tempi blew the lid off the pot. Honestly, I can’t look those parents in the eye—I bow my head. Because we all share responsibility—just as with Mati,” I bowed, too.

Scene 1: “Tempi blew the lid off the pot”

DIMITRIS DANIKAS: I hear there’s turbulence within PASOK—is that right?

ANNA DIAMANTOPOULOU: Yes, there are some issues, which we are resolving. We have no choice but to resolve them calmly and quietly.

D.D.: Zoe Konstantopoulou is second. Was it a mistake for Androulakis to be re-elected? Can the leader get away with 7%?

A.D.: Let’s break this down. Zoe has 16% and Velopoulos 9%. Zoe said to jail Triantopoulos and Mitsotakis. Velopoulos said “I wish your kids were on that train.” A large percentage supports extreme views. This is the result of the Tempi tragedy—it brought emotions and anger to the surface. A universal anger rooted in daily hardship, low wages, and distrust in institutions. Tempi blew the lid off the pot. I respect what the polls show, but I believe this is a very particular phase.

D.D.: A historic party like PASOK at 11%—it’s outrageous. Without the PASOK brand, what would the number be?

A.D.: Don’t forget PASOK started at 12% and reached 48%. It was a major party, tasted triumphs and disasters, rose to the top and fell into deep abysses—far worse than 11%.

D.D.: ND is declining, SYRIZA is sinking, and PASOK is stagnant. Instead of gaining, it’s losing.

A.D.: We’re in an emotional and angry period. Around 35% of people support extreme voices. This climate hits all parties that have governed—whether they’re at fault or not. PASOK must prove it’s a true alternative for power—not just an opposition. Can it do that from where it is? I think yes, under these conditions: First, a clear identity—a manifesto defining 21st-century Social Democracy. Second, internal unity—this small party can’t have ten aspiring leaders five months after the last race. Third, a clarified independent path, which is already clear. Fourth, solid policy proposals—and that’s what we’ve been doing.

D.D.: Doing it among yourselves?

A.D.: We’ve tabled proposals on housing, private debt, insurance, banking. The problem is: our ideas aren’t reaching the public. So we’re organizing regional conferences all over Greece. I’ve personally traveled 10,000 kilometers recently. This is how we try to reach the people. Let’s not pretend PASOK has media allies pushing its message.

Scene 2: “Tempi was ranked 6th in the agenda—PASOK’s fault?”

D.D.: But everyone is talking about Tempi.

A.D.: For ten days, we’ve raised the housing issue. Housing is a basic good, a major ideological issue. No one picks it up. Not even you—you ask about Zoe and polls.

D.D.: Because that’s what’s hot.

A.D.: Sure, but how will it change? Only if we introduce ideological topics. Housing is a social right, young people can’t find homes. We have a comprehensive proposal—ideological, political, economic—and no one engages. Is that PASOK’s fault?

D.D.: Isn’t PASOK partly to blame?

A.D.: Maybe we can’t push it with the necessary intensity. But there’s also media mono-thematic focus: Tempi, PASOK’s internal affairs, polling.

D.D.: When Tempi happened in Feb 2023, PASOK was silent. It only became an issue two years later.

A.D.: That’s not true. PASOK immediately demanded a preliminary investigation into Karamanlis—they said no. We pushed for a parliamentary inquiry—it happened, but they blocked witnesses. Androulakis went to Tempi, made statements, called it a tragedy.

D.D.: But during the elections, did anyone talk about it?

A.D.: Why didn’t they? Because the media downplayed it. Don’t just blame parties. Tempi was the 6th topic in polls. Is that PASOK’s fault?

D.D.: I’m not blaming only PASOK. No party mentioned it.

A.D.: PASOK raised the issues. ND responded as it did. Only after “I have no oxygen” came out did the issue resurface. Until then, the PM had declared it a human error and closed the case.

Scene 3: “All three parties share blame for the railways”

D.D.: PASOK and SYRIZA bear no blame for OSE and the railways? Didn’t they dismantle the Peloponnese line? All three parties ruined the rail system.

A.D.: I’ll say this: the fact that it’s 2025 and we still don’t have proper railways—yes, all three parties share blame. Full stop. But Tempi happened because two trains collided on the same track, due to a contract from 2016 with available funding and EU directives that was never completed until 2024. That’s on SYRIZA and ND.

D.D.: So not just ND.

A.D.: That’s why I said, the public anger hits all past governments.

D.D.: The so-called systemic parties.

A.D.: I reject the term “systemic party.”

D.D.: Systemic as in governing.

A.D.: Even so—Zoe’s party isn’t systemic? She accepts all state privileges, she manipulated her ballots, expelled elected members, installed her inner circle. She talks of nepotism while her own party is a family affair? I reject that label. It’s a convenient excuse to call past ruling parties “systemic” while pretending others are “revolutionary.” They offer no revolution, no proposals.

D.D.: So what kind of party is Plefsi Eleftherias?

A.D.: A personality-driven party riding a wave of anger in a specific moment.

D.D.: And which will deflate later? What do you predict?

A.D.: I won’t predict, but I don’t think it will last.

Scene 4: The mortar, the pestle, and the mallet in hand

D.D.: And what do you think about SYRIZA? How can this proposal for a government work when PASOK is polling at this level?

A.D.: Are these the real problems of the country right now? Europe is falling apart, the world is falling apart, we don’t know where Greece is headed, our relationship with Turkey is at a critical point—shouldn’t we be talking about other things? Maybe we’ve been going about politics the wrong way in this country. I travel to Eastern Macedonia and Thrace. The cities are collapsing. There’s the issue of land being bought by foreigners all over Thrace.

D.D.: You mean by Turks?

A.D.: Not just Turks. Bulgarians, Chinese, Israelis too. We’ve submitted a proposal on how to regulate the Golden Visa program. The issues facing the country are massive and critical, and yet the public debate is stuck on “the mortar, the pestle, and the mallet in hand.” PASOK will only change—because we too are partly to blame for getting caught in this cycle—if it manages to change the agenda and speak as a party that can return to power. And when it does, you’ll see our polling numbers change too.

D.D.: So you believe it was a mistake focusing solely on the Tempi tragedy. Journalists aren’t solely to blame.

A.D.: Of course it’s a mistake to be one-dimensional in opposition. We can’t let others set our agenda. Sure, we’ll respond, we won’t be absent, but we have to assert the agenda we want.

D.D.: But I see your spokespeople on TV only talking about Tempi. Your representative, Tsoukalas, keeps focusing on it.

A.D.: Everyone is trying to push the agenda, but I don’t think we’re doing it the right way. Still, I firmly believe in this: Mitsotakis came in with a halo—as a reformer, someone who would change things, fulfill promises. A lot of people believed him. He got a huge portion of the centrist vote—I’d say almost all of it—and a lot of PASOK voters. It’s been six years now. I read today that he’s activating the economic policy coordination center. He announced it in 2019—six years ago. Europe is in chaos over defense spending—I’m not even getting into tariffs. We have a defense budget issue with €800 billion at stake. And he’s out there celebrating the exemption clause, saying that defense spending won’t count toward the national debt. This, from a country with the highest debt in Europe, one that struggled to rein in deficits. And now he’s gearing up to announce handouts again this fall. Are we seriously doing this again? We must build alliances so defense industries are funded by Europe—just like we did during COVID, with eurobonds. And there are allies to be found.

Let me tell you something astounding: We’re the only country that bought F-35s, frigates from France, Rafales—and haven’t arranged to manufacture even a single mirror here. Every other country does something—painting, maintenance, tech know-how, training local engineers. But we just buy and sell. We’re the buyers and we make the deals. The prime minister recently announced a massive program in Parliament—dozens of billions over the next twelve years for new defense weapons. Of course we need defense. But isn’t defense linked to a country’s industry and economy? Trump is now acting tough in Europe over defense. Imagine—ninety U.S. states survive purely on weapons production sold to Europe.

Scene 5: “We need to grit our teeth and all fight for PASOK to do well”

D.D.: Back to the same topic. Everything stems from the leader—from the person who will convey the message. The leader’s name doesn’t resonate with society, from what I see. So PASOK’s message can’t break through.

A.D.: He was elected five months ago. I ran against him and lost. Now all of us who were candidates have three choices. Either we leave because we don’t like the leader who was elected five months ago, or we engage in guerrilla tactics and say, “He’s not good, but I’m here for the day after,” or we grit our teeth and all fight for PASOK to do well. I’ve clearly chosen the third option.

D.D.: The leader is the conveyor belt of the party’s logic. He must convince society, attract it, stir it. If he can’t do that, nothing else works. What does he bring to the table? How persuasive is he? Maybe he’s a burden. Maybe you’re all working hard and it’s not reaching the public. I have nothing against the guy—I don’t even know him.

A.D.: A leader truly earns those characteristics and makes history when they govern like that. That’s when they become real leaders. In opposition, if you follow Mr. Androulakis’s discourse, it’s both serious and measured. He’s someone trying to strike a balance—both with PASOK’s internal issues and in delivering his message to the outside. People keep repeating it—“Androulakis can’t do it, can’t do it”—but I think it’s a bit overdone. We need to fight this out until the next election and see how we can all help build this party—supporting Androulakis included. If PASOK performs poorly in this election, it will be a very critical, existential moment.

D.D.: You mean in 2027. So you’re saying you’ll wait until then to see how things go, and only if PASOK performs badly would a leadership issue arise? I’m just relaying what everyday people are saying.

A.D.: You hear all sorts of views from society. My take on PASOK is this: the party has had four distinct eras. The Andreas Papandreou era, the Simitis era, the George Papandreou era, the Venizelos era. It didn’t support the last two with the passion it should have. Because it wasn’t PASOK that put Greece into the bailout—it was Karamanlis. George Papandreou made a tremendous effort to keep the country standing. Then came Venizelos, and PASOK agreed with New Democracy and saved the country during that time. I’ll remind you that PASOK also voted for SYRIZA’s bailout deal, based on the promise that there would be no elections—and then Tsipras took us to elections anyway. PASOK sacrificed its political momentum for national interest twice—and we didn’t even defend that enough. In fact, we apologized for it. That’s where history plays its role—and history is part of the future.