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> Politics

Mitsotakis says yes to Constitutional Changes — What about the opposition?

Constitutional revision in two phases before and after the elections – How it will happen – See in detail which articles are at the center of the changes

Newsroom January 5 12:58

For the first time since the completion of the 2019 Constitutional Revision, the government is preparing to reopen the “Constitution” file. Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis has declared his intention to launch the process, while at the same time attempting to shape the necessary consensus with opposition parties.

The task is far from easy. The scope of the proposed revision will clearly depend on the climate of discussions with PASOK and the opposition parties. The current Parliament is Pre-Revisionary, meaning it selects the articles to be revised. The Parliament that will emerge after the 2027 elections will complete the process. However, the majorities required for each article will be determined in the coming months.

It is recalled that if an article does not receive 180 votes in the proposing Parliament, it must then secure a three-fifths majority in the Revising Parliament.

As a result, many believe that if consensus is difficult today, the post-election environment will be even more unfavorable.

According to information, the government plans to open this chapter in the second half of the year. It is likely that the institutional proposals will be presented by the Prime Minister at the Thessaloniki International Fair (DETH), followed immediately by the official start of parliamentary dialogue.

Within the government, mapping the political landscape and fully discussing which articles should be revised will begin this month. As Proto Thema reported last Sunday, a central role will be played by Foreign Minister Giorgos Gerapetritis, who had a similar role in the previous revision and drafted ND’s proposal in 2018 as an adviser to the Prime Minister.

That proposal will once again serve as the foundation for the upcoming constitutional changes, at least as a starting point for the ruling party. A key role will also be played by constitutional law professor and Secretary General to the Prime Minister Stelios Koutnatzis, a longtime associate of Gerapetritis.

At this stage, the broader team that will shape ND’s proposal has not yet been finalized, although there is longstanding respect for the views of constitutional scholars such as Spyros Vlachopoulos and Filippos Spyropoulos.

Because the revision process is parliamentary, coordination with ND’s Parliamentary Group will be required. A senior MP with a legal background will be appointed as rapporteur for the majority.

In his New Year’s address, the Prime Minister again referred to the constitutional revision, stressing the need for consensus:

“For this effort to be completed successfully, broader consensus will be required. The maturity, consistency, and competence of every political force will therefore be tested in practice,” Mitsotakis said.

The Package of Proposals

Proto Thema records the Prime Minister’s key considerations regarding the planned constitutional changes. Mitsotakis has referred to these intentions on multiple occasions. Specifically, the focus includes:

Article 16 – Non-State Universities

Article 16 concerns non-state universities. With the passage of the Pierrakakis law allowing the operation of the first non-state, non-profit universities, the government won a political and ideological battle. New Democracy has long supported this reform.

With the Council of State’s approval of the legislation, the main argument used by much of the opposition, including PASOK, has weakened. It remains to be seen whether recent developments will create conditions for consensus.

Article 86 – Ministerial Liability

The Prime Minister announced last March, following the second anniversary of the Tempi tragedy, that ND supports a substantive revision of Article 86. The article has been a focal point of opposition criticism in relation to Tempi and the OPEKEPE scandal.

Mitsotakis supports meaningful judicial oversight of political figures, recalling that as early as 2006, as a newly elected MP, he had undertaken a similar initiative with colleagues.

What remains unclear is how the government intends to strengthen judicial review while limiting Parliament’s role. One proposal under discussion—but not yet a given—is making mandatory the three-member advisory panel of prosecutors provided for under Law 3126/2003. This panel operates before Parliament decides on establishing a preliminary investigation committee. Former Deputy Prime Minister Evangelos Venizelos has also highlighted this option.

In summary, ND, PASOK, and SYRIZA favor revising Article 86 to remove preferential treatment for political figures while retaining safeguards against the criminalization of political life. KKE and other opposition parties, however, support the article’s complete abolition.

There is broad agreement on transferring greater responsibility to the regular judiciary to prevent parliamentary majorities from absolving or prosecuting ministers based on party affiliation.

Among the proposals under consideration is the complete disengagement of Parliament, abolishing preliminary investigative committees. Under this scenario, prosecutions would be initiated solely by the Supreme Court Prosecutor, and trials would be conducted by the Supreme Court rather than a Special Court.

Even if parliamentary involvement remains, the prevailing view is to require a binding opinion from a judicial council before any preliminary committee is formed. This aligns with proposals by Prosecutor Ilias Danglis, presented during the constitutional dialogue organized by diaNEOsis.

Article 103 – Tenure of Public Servants

The government is considering revising Article 103, particularly the clause on lifetime tenure. Mitsotakis has already spoken publicly on this issue.

According to information, the majority aims to constitutionally enshrine performance evaluation, linking pay to performance rather than solely formal qualifications, and enabling the removal of employees who consistently fail to meet their duties.

The proposal is expected to provoke opposition reactions, although major changes have already occurred at the legislative level. Government officials note that over the past five years, more than 1,000 civil servants have been dismissed through disciplinary procedures or due to falsified credentials.

The government is also examining constitutional provisions allowing executives from the private sector to assume senior management roles in the public sector.

Article 24 – Environmental Protection

Article 24, concerning environmental protection, was also a priority in 2018 but did not progress significantly. It remains one of the most complex challenges.

The government seeks to expand building potential without relaxing protections to the point of being accused of attacking forest land. Building regulations remain a constant challenge, as shown by recent disputes over construction in settlements with fewer than 2,000 residents.

Article 90 – Leadership of the Judiciary

In the search for consensus, ND is willing to accept PASOK’s proposal to discuss changes to Article 90 regarding the selection of judicial leadership.

Constitutional experts note that the Floridis–Bougas law, which allows supreme courts to propose leadership candidates via secret ballot, already moves in the right direction by limiting the Cabinet’s discretion.

Article 30 – Election of the President of the Republic

When Mitsotakis proposed Kostas Tasoulas last year, he announced his intention to introduce a single six-year presidential term. There has been limited public debate, and opposition positions remain unclear.

Additional Proposals

Beyond these, the government intends to propose universal postal voting for all voters, inside and outside Greece, across all elections. The introduction of electronic voting is also under consideration.

Further proposals include explicit protection of water resources, mandatory reforestation, environmental balance in every state intervention, and allowing criminal courts to impose administrative fines to avoid parallel proceedings.

The Consensus Game and the 180-Vote Challenge

Despite recent tensions between the government and PASOK over the staffing of independent authorities, earlier cooperation offers a positive example.

In September, PASOK leader Nikos Androulakis proposed selecting the heads of constitutionally protected authorities through open calls rather than closed ministerial lists. The proposal was accepted by Mitsotakis, and Parliament issued the call in October.

More than 60 applications were submitted for key authorities, mainly from retired judges, legal experts, and academics. The model removes the stigma of “ministerial favorites” and fosters realistic conditions for consensus.

Major Initiatives

ND leadership believes society is ready for bold reforms such as non-state universities, public sector evaluation, lifting tenure, and reforming Article 86. However, it acknowledges the lack of political consensus.

Mitsotakis reiterated in his New Year’s message that an ambitious constitutional revision is a top priority for 2026.

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Still, the polarized parliamentary climate—marked by extreme rhetoric and scandal-driven politics—offers little room for optimism.

The Prime Minister has asked Parliament Speaker Nikita Kaklamanis to restart procedures for appointing independent authority heads, potentially paving the way for broader consensus.

Mitsotakis also seeks direct dialogue with PASOK’s leader, though Androulakis rejects backroom talks and insists on institutional procedures. While ND could theoretically cooperate with Greek Solution, the government shows no appetite for such an alliance—and neither does Kyriakos Velopoulos.

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