Protothema.gr visited the Silivri prison complex, located 80 kilometers from Istanbul, where Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu has been held since yesterday. The high-security prison, which includes a military detention wing, was selected by the Istanbul Prosecutor’s Office for İmamoğlu. According to Turkish law, the maximum duration a defendant can be held under the current status is up to two years. Specifically, Turkish legislation allows an accused individual to remain in pre-trial detention for 18 months—similar to Greek law—with the possibility of a six-month extension.

Information regarding the initiation and scheduling of İmamoğlu’s corruption trial has not yet emerged. However, judging by President Erdogan’s strategy thus far, future moves will likely be precise and strategically calculated, clearly focusing on the presidential elections, whenever they occur. Given the current developments, making predictions or drawing conclusions remains risky. Still, in purely “sterile” terms, unless Erdoğan’s plan includes additional tactics, İmamoğlu might indeed stay in prison for the maximum allowed period. Yet, it would be highly improbable for him not to become president once his detention concludes.

From tomorrow onward, general “fatigue” and public outrage within Turkish society will increasingly factor into the situation. Citizens have crossed the red line from mere disappointment to genuine indignation. Even individuals who have previously voted repeatedly for the AKP and Erdoğan are unlikely to forget the current practices. Although the press and media are largely under control, yesterday’s attempt to stop coverage of protests was not accepted even by pro-government outlets. However, no one should underestimate President Erdoğan’s considerable strategic maneuvering skills, repeatedly demonstrated on various issues. The same leader who once managed to lift the Turkish economy out of the “swamp” now increasingly faces problems for which he cannot blame anyone else. Precisely because Erdoğan’s greatest adversary is often himself, and given his proven intelligence, it is not impossible for him to engineer yet another battle by 2028, which, if not perfectly tailored to his advantage, will certainly be more uncertain than the current scenario.

Regardless of financial means, social status, or political affiliations, all people acknowledge that solidarity and empathy with the wronged and suffering are embedded in the Turkish people’s DNA. İmamoğlu’s situation has created exactly this kind of empathy—a connection that may not lead all Turks onto the streets but has motivated many who never supported the AKP before to participate actively in today’s polls. Although these elections may not yield legally binding results, they will undoubtedly send one of the loudest messages Erdoğan has received since the Gezi uprising in 2013.